Topic-strategies and the internal structure of nominal arguments in Greek and Italian

Theodora Alexopoulou, Raffaella Folli

Research output: Contribution to journalArticle

Abstract

In this article, we argue that a set of unexpected contrasts in the interpretation of clitic-left-dislocated indefinites in Greek and Italian derive from structural variation in the nominal syntax of the two languages. Greek resists nonreferential indefinites in clitic left-dislocation, resorting to the topicalization of an often bare noun for nonreferential topics. By contrast, clitic left-dislocation is employed in Italian for topics regardless of their definite/indefinite interpretation. We argue that this contrast is directly linked to the wide availability of bare nouns in Greek, which stems from a structural difference in the nominal syntax of the two languages. In particular, we hypothesize that Greek nominal arguments lack a D layer. Rather, they are Number Phrases. We situate this analysis in the context of Chierchia’s (1998) typology of nominals. We argue that, on a par with Italian nouns, Greek nouns are [-arg, +pred]. However, they do not employ a syntactic head (D) for type-shifting to <e>. Rather, they resort to covert type-shifting, a hypothesis that is necessary to account for the distribution and interpretations of bare nouns in Greek, vis-à-vis other [-arg, +pred] languages like Italian and French.

LanguageEnglish
Pages439-486
Number of pages48
JournalLinguistic Inquiry
Volume50
Issue number3
DOIs
Publication statusPublished - 1 Jun 2019

Fingerprint

syntax
interpretation
Italian language
French language
language
typology
lack
Bare Nouns
Clitics
Syntax
Language
Left Dislocation
Nouns
Type-shifting
Layer
Topicalization
Nominals
Definites

Keywords

  • Greek
  • Italian
  • CLLD
  • bare nouns
  • DP
  • NP
  • nominal mapping parameter
  • Indefinites
  • Nominal syntax
  • Clitic left-dislocation
  • Bare nouns

Cite this

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abstract = "In this article, we argue that a set of unexpected contrasts in the interpretation of clitic-left-dislocated indefinites in Greek and Italian derive from structural variation in the nominal syntax of the two languages. Greek resists nonreferential indefinites in clitic left-dislocation, resorting to the topicalization of an often bare noun for nonreferential topics. By contrast, clitic left-dislocation is employed in Italian for topics regardless of their definite/indefinite interpretation. We argue that this contrast is directly linked to the wide availability of bare nouns in Greek, which stems from a structural difference in the nominal syntax of the two languages. In particular, we hypothesize that Greek nominal arguments lack a D layer. Rather, they are Number Phrases. We situate this analysis in the context of Chierchia’s (1998) typology of nominals. We argue that, on a par with Italian nouns, Greek nouns are [-arg, +pred]. However, they do not employ a syntactic head (D) for type-shifting to . Rather, they resort to covert type-shifting, a hypothesis that is necessary to account for the distribution and interpretations of bare nouns in Greek, vis-{\`a}-vis other [-arg, +pred] languages like Italian and French.",
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Topic-strategies and the internal structure of nominal arguments in Greek and Italian. / Alexopoulou, Theodora; Folli, Raffaella.

In: Linguistic Inquiry, Vol. 50, No. 3, 01.06.2019, p. 439-486.

Research output: Contribution to journalArticle

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