In this squib, we provide evidence that finite control languages like Greek and Romanian display partial control (PC), albeit in very limited contexts, contrary to what has previously been claimed in the literature. This fact poses problems for existing theories of control which predict a fundamental incompatibility between PC and [+Agr] complements. These finding can be considered welcome, however, inasmuch as the ban on PC in [+Agr] contexts appears stipulative in the context of Landau’s (2015) approach. They are also consistent with the claim that European Portuguese inflected infinitives, which are also [+Agr] also permit obligatory control (Sheehan 2018a,b).
|Title of host publication||Syntactic Architecture and Its Consequences: Volume 3: Inside syntax|
|Editors||András Bárány, Theresa Biberauer, Jamie Douglas, Sten Vikner|
|Place of Publication||Berlin|
|Publisher||Berlin: Language Science Press|
|Pages||1 - 20|
|Number of pages||20|
|Publication status||Accepted/In press - 26 Mar 2020|
- control, infinitives, Modern Greek, Romanian, partial control,
Sevdali, C., & Sheehan, M. (Accepted/In press). Rethinking partial control: New evidence from finite control clauses. In A. Bárány, T. Biberauer, J. Douglas, & S. Vikner (Eds.), Syntactic Architecture and Its Consequences: Volume 3: Inside syntax (Vol. 3, pp. 1 - 20 ). Berlin: Berlin: Language Science Press.